EINSATZGRUPPEN
In the summer and autumn of 1941, the Wehrmacht steadily
advanced on Moscow, encircling and destroying one Soviet army group after
another, most notably around Kiev in September. Following closely in wake
of the triumphant Wehrmact were the Einsatzgruppen, or Strike Commandos.
Their task was the execution of Jews in the cities, towns, and villages
of the occupied territories. In two vast sweeps across Russia (in 1941
and '42), the Einsatzgruppen, by simply shooting Jews, were responsible
for the murder of over a million.
The Einsatzgruppen numbered about three thousand
men was divided into four different groups spread across the occupied Russian
territories. The leaders of the Einsatgruppen commandos included a university
professor, a Protestant pastor, a physician, a professional opera singer,
and a large number of lawyers. Historian Raul Hilberg has said, "These
men were in no sense hoodlums, delinquents, common criminals, or sex maniacs.
Most were intellectuals." Although the killers were dedicated to National
Socialist ideology, none asked for assignment to the Einsatzgruppen. In
two sweeps across the occupied Russian territories, the Einsatzgruppen
accounted for the murder of one million Jews, most shot on the edge of
a pit outside their ancestral home, a pit the Jews were forced to dig.
In September 1941, a massacre occurred outside the
Ukrainian city of Kiev: the Nazis murdered over thirty-three thousand Jews
at a ravine called Babi Yar. The German army and the SS killers worked
very closely together. "The armed forces surprisingly welcomed the hostility
against the Jews," reported Einsatgruppen C on July 6, 1941. The commander
of Einsatzgruppen A, Dr. Stahlecker, described his relations with the German
army as "very close, yes, almost cordial." Soldiers, some dressed in bathing
suits, gathered near the killing pits to watch the executions of Jewish
families. Some photographed the grisly scenes; others described them in
letters home; just about everyone talked about it. In August 1941, the
German Sixth Army issued instructions that photographs taken by soldiers
of the massacres be confiscated and that officers work closely with the
killing units to keep spectators away.
In the autumn of 1941, Himmler witnessed the massacre
of a hundred Jews in Russia. During each volley of shots Himmler looked
at the ground. The local Nazi officer, von dem Bach-Zelewski, said to Himmler:
"Look at the eyes of the [German] men in this kommando.
How deeply shaken they are. These men are finished ('fertig') for the rest
of their lives. What kind of followers are we training here? Either neurotics
or savages!"
Himmler recognized that shooting Jews was not the answer,
and asked one of his officers, Nebe, "to turn over in his mind" various
other killing methods more humane (for the executioners) than shooting.
The handicapped and insane in Germany had been killed by gas. The SS took
one logical step and recognized that this technique could be applied to
the Jews of Europe, beginning with the Polish Jews. On December 8, 1941,
the Nazis first employed gas vans at the death camp Chelmno in western
Poland.
On July 31, 1941, Goering, as head of the Four Year
Plan, sent a letter to Heydrich: "I hereby charge you with making all necessary
preparation with regard to organizational and financial matters for bringing
about a complete solution of the Jewish question in the German sphere of
influence in Europe." This letter, drafted by Eichmann, was of fatal significance
for European Jewry. The Holocaust historian Raul Hilberg has written, "The
centuries old policy of expulsion was terminated and a new policy of annihilation
was inaugurated."
WANNSEE CONFERENCE
On January 20, 1942, the ministers of the various
bureaucracies of the German government met at a villa in the Berlin suburb
of Wannsee known for the nearby lake of the same name, hence the name given
to the occasion: the Wannsee Conference. The officials had been invited
by the SS general Heydrich, whose assistant Eichmann took notes during
the meeting. Heydrich explained to the assembled that the fuhrer "had given
sanction for the evacuation of the Jews to the east." The purpose of the
conference, he continued, was to organize the destruction of all the Jews
in Europe, although he didn't put it that way.
The transcript of the Wannsee Conference is filled
with references to 'wandering off,' 'evacuated,' 're-settled,' and 'disappeared.'
The word murder is not mentioned. "These terms were not the product of
naivete," Raul Hilberg has written. "They were convenient tools of psychological
repression."
Heydrich provided a list that included all the Jews
of Europe including the Jews of England. Annihilation on this scale, a
task with no precedent, required the cooperation of every department of
the German government. The Jews had to be identified, expropriated, concentrated,
and "evacuated." None of the ministers gathered at Wannsee balked at what
Heydrich proposed. Indeed, there was no hint of dissent; the ministers
offered suggestions as to how the "final solution" might be more efficiently
realized. By and large, the ministers were not Nazi Party members but were
long time bureaucrats who held their jobs long before the Nazis assumed
power. The cooperation between the Nazi Party and the old Germany, the
civil service in this instance, was an essential feature of the Holocaust.
Heydrich and Eichmann had expected problems with the ministers and were
greatly relieved at the cooperation they met. On that pleasant note, Heydrich
and Eichmann toasted their successes with a glass of brandy before the
fireplace.
THERESIENSTADT
The Nazis recognized that the "evacuation" of certain
Jews, the prominent, the elderly, the decorated and disabled World War
I veteran, would lead to protests in foreign nations, some of which were
allied to the Nazis. Hence, Heydrich and Eichmann decided to create a "model"
ghetto for prominent Jews at the Czech town of Terezin sixty kilometers
north of Prague. The town, named Theresienstadt, had been a fortress built
by the Austrian empress Maria Theresia in the 18th century to fend off
Prussian aggression. In 1941, once the Czech population was expelled, the
town, surrounded by walls and a moat, proved an ideal setting for a concentration
camp that had a veneer of normalcy but for all intents and purposes was
a mere transit camp to Auschwitz-Birkenau. Deportations (or "transports")
left Theresienstadt almost continuously, but between September and October
1944, 18,400 Jews, including the last of the Jewish children, were sent
to their death at Auschwitz-Birkenau. The Judenrat (or Jewish Council)
in Theresienstadt, under orders from the Nazis, compiled the lists of the
Jews to be placed on the transports. To save Jews, the Jewish leaders were
forced to send others to their death. In 1944, partly to assuage the fears
of Dutch authorities who were concerned about the four hundred (or so)
Dutch Jews sent to Theresienstadt, the SS conducted a tour of the "model
ghetto" for the benefit of the International Red Cross, which had developed
a belated concern for the Jews. On the day of the visit, the representatives
of the Red Cross were treated to the sight of a group of elderly Jews enjoying
a cup of coffee at a open air cafe, listening to an orchestra. This was
hardly a representative image. The representatives, by design or stupidity,
were fooled by the Nazis and left Theresienstadt after a short visit, marveling
at how well the Jews were being treated. It was all a mere facade, a Potemkin
Village, a curtain before death. The Nazis even made a propaganda film
about Theresienstadt: "The Fuehrer gives the Jews a City."
THE DESTRUCTION OF POLISH JEWRY
Poland was the setting of the Holocaust. When the
Nazis talked of "evacuating" Jews "to the east," that meant killing Jews
in Poland. In this country the Nazis built their six major death camps:
Auschwitz-Birkenau; Chelmno; Belzec; Sobibor; Treblinka; and Majdanek.
In addition, German concentration or labor camps, in which Jews were worked
to death, dotted the countryside.
The first Jews annihilated by the Nazis were the
Jews of eastern Poland. Before the Second World War, three and a half million
Jewish people lived in Poland, or ten percent of the population of the
country. The Nazis murdered three million Polish Jews. The first step in
the process was humiliation in public. This was to break the will to resist
and to demonstrate to all that the Jews were subhuman and not to be helped
nor pitied. The most concentrated period of Nazi killing was between 1942
and '43. In fourteen months, the majority of Polish Jewry was annihilated.
One quarter died in the ghettos from starvation, disease, or random Nazi
violence. Six hundred thousand Jews died at Belzec. In August 1942 alone,
145,000 Jews from Galicia and the Lublin region, the heartland of world
Jewry, were murdered at Belzec. In September, at least ninety-six thousand
perished there, and in October fifty-eight thousand shared the same fate.
Between July and September 1942, 350,000 Jews were deported from the Warsaw
ghetto and exterminated at Treblinka, where a total of 850,000 died. Two
hundred and fifty thousand Jews were murdered at Chelmno. One million died
at Auschwitz-Birkenau. The technique in every village, town, and city was
the same: the Jews were terrorized and humiliated in public; they were
robbed of their valuables and then of everything save for what they could
take with them in a bag; they were expelled from their homes and forced
into overcrowded ghettos; they were starved and subjected to disease; some
were shot and buried in pits they had been forced to dig at the edge of
town; the rest were forced on to trains that took them to a death camp;
they were gassed almost immediately except for the few (usually) young
Jewish men spared for the task of burning the bodies of (among others)
their loved ones. In this fashion, eight hundred years of Polish Jewry
came to an end.
CASE STUDY #4: OLESZYCE
Oleszyce (Oh-la-shit-za) is a small town in Poland
where Poles, Jews, and Ukrainians lived before the war. It was a quintessential
multi-ethnic community, with profound differences but with a rhythm of
cooperation. In September 1939, the first month of the Second World War,
Poland was divided between the Nazis and the Soviets as a result of a secret
agreement in the Nazi-Soviet Pact, also known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop
Pact after the respective foreign ministers. The Nazis occupied Oleszyce
for a few months before withdrawing in response to the renegotiated border.
The Soviets then occupied the town for almost two years, until Hitler finally
attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. When the Nazis returned to
Oleszyce, the humiliation of the Jews was played out in public for everybody
to see. This was done to satisfy the sadistic impulses of the perpetrators
(and the observers), but it was also done with a purpose in mind. The victims
were brutalized, but so were the spectators.
...
1. Eva and Henry Galler, who are Jewish, were "sweethearts" in Oleszyce
before the war. "It was a typical Jewish religious city," Henry remembered.
"The life was quiet. Nobody knew any better," Eva said. "So we were happy."
2. Janek Skulomovski, who is Polish, was eight years old when the Soviets
deported he and his family to the depths of Siberia in April 1941.
3. Eva Galler was sixteen when the Nazis returned to Oleszyce in 1941
She describes the public humiliation of the Jews at the market-place.
4. Franek Zaremba and his wife Franciska, who are Polish, still live
in Oleszyce. Franek fought in the Polish army and then as a partisan, or
guerrilla fighter, in the forest. He was captured and tortured seven times
(by the Soviets, by the Nazis, and, at the moment of so-called liberation,
by the Polish communists). Franek remembers Henry Galler and his family's
fabric store. Franciska remembers the day the Jews were expelled to the
nearby town of Lubachow, the transit ghetto to Belzec.
5. On January 6, 1943, the Jews of Oleszyce were loaded on trains in
Lubachow for the short trip to Belzec. With a brother and a sister, Eva
jumped from the train. They were killed "right away" by the guards on top
of and between the train cars. Eva fell in a snow bank and was hidden.
She emerged and sought refuge first with a Ukrainian woman and then with
a Polish woman.
6. The Polish family Valavander hid the Jewish man Puzik in their barn.
Puzik was betrayed to the Nazis by an unknown neighbor. The Valavanders
suffered the Nazi penalty for harboring Jews: death.
7. After the war Henry Galler returned to Oleszyce. He learned the fate
of his family from Mrs. Byianska, "a personal friend of my Moma's" who
was also Henry's school teacher. Before leaving Oleszyce, Henry visited
his house a final time, the house where he spent his "sweet childhood."
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ORDINARY MEN
The SS and Gestapo were the implementers of Hitler's
order to destroy the Jewish people. After the war these two Nazi organizations
were blamed for their role in the Holocaust. The SS, for one, became "the
alibi of the nation." In other words, the SS was guilty but nobody else.
This was patently false. The murder of Europe's Jews required the services
of ordinary Germans as well as the professional killers.
The historian Christopher Browning, in his book Ordinary
Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland,
describes the attitudes of a German police battalion that was engaged in
anti-Jewish "aktiones" in Poland. Police Battalion 101 comprised five hundred
middle aged men of working class and lower-middle class backgrounds who
had been pressed into service. They were not soldiers, but policemen; they
were not killers; they became killers. These men had been ordered to Poland
because no other German men could be spared. They were off fighting on
Germany's many fronts: in France, in North Africa, in Italy, in Yugoslavia,
in Russia, etc.
After the war, these "ordinary men" slipped back
into ordinary lives, but in the 1960's the men were tried by a German court
in Hamburg. Browning was able to study the interrogations of 210 men of
the unit that consisted of slightly less than 500 when it was sent to Poland
in 1942. The unit was responsible for the murder of 38,000 Jews. The first
"Judenaktion" the unit launched was on July 13, 1942. At dawn the unit
arrived in the Polish town of Jozefow (in eastern Poland) and, through
the course of the day, shot 1,500 Jewish old men, women, and children (the
young men were taken as slave labor). Before the executions began, the
unit's commander, fifty-three year old career policeman Major Trapp, addressed
the assembled men and made an extraordinary offer: if any of the older
men among them did not feel up to the task, he could be excused from the
actual killing. A dozen men out of the five hundred in the unit took this
opportunity to step aside. Through the course of the relentless shooting
of Jews (in a forest) a number of the unit's soldiers also stepped aside.
However, Browning writes that no more than twenty percent of the men availed
themselves of the opportunity to cease with the murderous work. Browning
cites the "pressure of conformity" as an important factor. He describes
this as "The basic identification of men in uniform with their comrades
and the strong urge not to separate themselves from the group by stepping
out." Twenty years later, one policeman told interrogators, "If the question
is posed to me why I shot with the others in the first place, I must answer
that no one wants to be thought a coward." Most of the policemen denied
that they had any choice. One objected to shooting a German Jew, although
he had no problem shooting Polish Jews. Though few of the policemen spoke
of anti-Semitism, the years of Nazi propaganda had already reduced the
Jews to "the other." As Browning writes, the Jews stood outside their circle
of human obligation and responsibility. The majority of the men who did
drop out once the shooting began cited "sheer physical revulsion" as the
prime motive, but did not express any ethical or political principles behind
this revulsion.
"To break ranks and step out, to adopt overtly nonconformist
behavior, was simply beyond most of the men. It was easier for them to
shoot," Browning concluded.
Refusing to shoot constituted refusing one's share of
an unpleasant collective obligation. Those who did not shoot risked isolation,
rejection, and ostracism, a very uncomfortable prospect within the framework
of a tight knit unit stationed abroad among a hostile population. The individual
had virtually nowhere else to turn for support and social contact. The
threat of isolation was intensified by the fact that stepping out could
also have been seen as a form of moral reproach of one's comrades: the
non shooter was potentially indicating that he was "too good" to do such
things. They pleaded not that they were "too good," but that they were
"too weak" to kill. Toughness was a superior quality.
Browning writes,
"Insidiously, most of those who did not shoot only
reaffirmed the 'macho' values of the majority, according to which it was
a positive quality to be 'tough' enough to kill unarmed, non combatant
men, women and children, and tried to not to rupture the bonds of comradeship
that constituted their social world."
Browning, Christopher Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and
the Final Solution in Poland, Harper Collins, New York, 1992.
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